Was there ever slave trading or slaves in Ireland.

http://www.irlandeses.org/0711burtonb1.htm

odgers’ analysis of Ireland’s connection with the slave trade highlights some undisputed facts. Since Britain governed Ireland on the garrison principal, treating the island as a colony in its imperial mercantile system, imposing taxes and exporting goods, such as butter and beef, to West Indian plantations, the island’s economy languished under British control. Ireland’s exclusion from membership of the slave-trading Royal Africa Company - whose initials, RAC, were branded into the chests of Africans - meant that the island was banned from participation in the infamous triangular trade for most of the eighteenth century. With Ireland’s economy subservient to Britain’s economy, it lacked the capacity to produce the wide range of manufactured goods demanded by the dehumanising commerce in people, including chains, cooking pots, cutlery, trading irons, and firearms, all produced in Britain. Maintaining a well-funded lobby at Westminster, planters of the sugar islands - ‘the spoiled children of the empire’ - were economically and intellectually tied to Britain. Rodgers argues that in 1784, plans to engage in the slave trade, hatched by merchants in Limerick and Belfast, did not come to fruition. The Dublin Chamber of Commerce proudly observed that Ireland was unsullied by the ‘odious slave trade’. In 1788, the Chamber observed with satisfaction that ‘the traffic in human species does not appear to have ever been carried on from this kingdom

topper75 wrote: »

Why don't they teach such things in school. I had heard of Frederick Douglas (no thanks to An Roinn Oideachas), but the curiousity of Samuel Burke is new to me. Kids should be made read boards.ie in class as a more direct route to enlightenment!;)

clientship (céilsine) in early Irish law was the relationship between a lord (flaith) and a client (céile). It took two principal forms, called ‘free clientship’ and ‘base clientship’ after the Irish terms sóerchéilsine and dóerchéilsine. In free clientship both the client and the lord could end the relationship at will and without penalties; base clientship did not bind the client permanently to the lord, but it did include penalties which were incurred if one party ended the relationship early against the will of the other.

Base clientship was the more important of the two varieties. First, the status of being noble depended upon being the lord of base rather than of free clients; and, secondly, base clientship was firmly associated with, though perhaps not necessary to, the status of a free commoner. For Críth Gablach the lowest grade of noble consisted of lords of five base clients, the next grade consisted of lords of ten clients, and so on. Similarly, a normal word for the commoner, both inside and outside the legal texts, was aithech, literally ‘(food‐) render‐payer’. Base clientship was, therefore, one of the principal determinants of the shape of early Irish society. It was the subject of a tract within the 8th‐century law‐book the Senchas Már, Cáin Aicillne; most of this text is preserved intact, whereas we only have fragments of its companion tract, Cáin Sóerraith, dealing with free clientship.

For Cáin Aicillne, base clientship normally endured for the lifetime of the lord. It was initiated by a grant or gift from the lord to the client, usually of cattle. Together with this grant came a further payment, ‘the chattels of submission’, equivalent in value to the client's honour price (see enech) and marking the personal subordination of a freeman to a lord. The lord, therefore, began the relationship by making one‐off payments to the client. The latter, by contrast, made fixed annual payments throughout the term of the relationship. The lord created a debt by the initial grant, which the client, the recipient of the grant, took a lifetime of renders to discharge. The client's fixed annual payments took the form of food renders, including both livestock products and grain. Whereas the lord's grant was normally in the form of cattle, the client's render came from both his livestock and arable farming.

Sometimes at least a free client also received a grant from his lord and gave food renders in return. The grant, however, appears to have been much less in value than in base clientship. The renders were proportionately much more valuable, probably amounting to the entire returns from the livestock given. The point may have been that free clientship was not intended to provide the client with further economic resources; since the grant was small, the renders were absolutely of minor significance though proportionately to the grant they were valuable.

betagh, from the Irish biatach, a food‐rendering client, seen by the Anglo‐Normans as a servile tenant, synonymous with a ‘serf’. Judging from the fact that betaghs lived in communities called ‘betaghries’, it seems that Anglo‐Normans inherited them from their former Gaelic lords. In theory they were bound to do labour service on the demesnes at the will of the lord, but in practice precedent hardened into immutable manorial custom, with the result that services were limited to a few days' seasonal work. By 1300 betagh services were generally commuted to rent, which may explain why the betaghs disappear as an identifiable group in the 15th century.
Revd Canon C. A. Empey